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International Fairtrade Certification Mark

November 26th, 2017

The International FAIRTRADE Certification Mark is an independent certification mark used in over 50 countries. It appears on products as an independent guarantee that a product has been produced according to Fairtrade political standards.

The FAIRTRADE Mark is owned and protected by Fairtrade International (FLO), on behalf of its 25-member and associate member Fairtrade producer networks and labelling initiatives.

For a product to carry the FAIRTRADE Mark, it must come from FLO-CERT inspected and certified producer organizations. The crops must be marketed in accordance with the International Fairtrade standards set by Fairtrade International. The supply chain is also monitored by FLO-CERT. To become certified Fairtrade producers, the primary cooperative and its member farmers must operate to certain political standards, imposed from Europe. FLO-CERT, the for-profit side, handles producer certification, inspecting and certifying producer organisations in more than 50 countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In the Fair trade debate there are many complaints of failure to enforce these standards, with Fairtrade cooperatives, importers and packers profiting by evading them.

As of 2006, the following products currently carry the FAIRTRADE Mark: coffee, tea, chocolate, cocoa, sugar, bananas, apples, pears, grapes, plums, lemons, oranges, Satsumas, clementines, lychees, avocados, pineapples, mangoes, fruit juices, quinoa, peppers, green beans, coconut, dried fruit, rooibos tea, green tea, cakes and biscuits, honey, muesli, cereal bars, jams, chutney and sauces, herbs and spices, nuts and nut oil, wine, beer, rum, flowers, footballs, rice, yogurt, baby food, sugar body scrub, cotton wool and cotton products.

The marketing system for Fairtrade and non-Fairtrade coffee is identical in the consuming countries, using mostly the same importing, packing, distributing and retailing firms. Some independent brands operate a virtual company, paying importers, packers and distributors and advertising agencies to handle their brand, for cost reasons. In the producing country Fairtrade is marketed only by Fairtrade cooperatives, while other coffee is marketed by Fairtrade cooperatives (as uncertified coffee), by other cooperatives and by ordinary traders.

Retailers and cafes in the rich countries can sell Fairtrade coffee at any price they like, so nearly all the extra price paid by consumers, 82% to 99%, is kept in the rich countries as increased profit. There is however evidence that dishonest importers do not pay the full Fairtrade price, so an even smaller proportion reaches the Third World.

Cooperative traders and exporters can sell coffee as Fairtrade certified if they meet the political standards of FLO and they pay a certification and inspection fee. Other administration costs and production costs are incurred to meet these standards. The exporter (not the farmer) is paid a minimum price for Fairtrade certified coffee when the world market is oversupplied, and a Fairtrade premium of 15c per lb at other times. The cooperatives can, on average, sell only a third of their output as Fairtrade, because of lack of demand, and sell the rest at world prices. As the additional costs are incurred on all production, not just that sold as Fairtrade, cooperatives sometimes lose money on their Fairtrade membership. After the additional costs have been subtracted from the Fairtrade price, the rest goes on ‘Social Projects’ such as clinics, women’s groups and baseball pitches.

Farmers do not get any of the higher price under Fairtrade. Nor is there any evidence that they get higher prices as a result of better marketing: the cooperatives sometimes pay farmers a higher price than farmers do, sometimes less, but there is no evidence on which is more common. Farmers do, however,incur extra costs in producing Fairtrade, so they certainly do lose money from Fairtrade membership in some cases. There is little or no research on the extra costs incurred, or the effect of Fairtrade membership on the income of farmers.

Disambiguation: There is widespread confusion because the fair trade industry standards provided by Fairtrade International (The Fairtrade Labelling Organization) use the word “producer” in many different senses, often in the same specification document. Sometimes it refers to farmers, sometimes to the primary cooperatives they belong to, to the secondary cooperatives that the primary cooperatives belong to, or to the tertiary cooperatives that the secondary cooperatives may belong to but “Producer [also] means any entity that has been certified under the Fairtrade International Generic Fairtrade Standard for Small Producer Organizations, Generic Fairtrade Standard for Hired Labour Situations, or Generic Fairtrade Standard for Contract Production best water bottle for sports.”. The word is used in all these meanings in key documents. In practice, when price and credit are discussed, “producer” means the exporting organization, “For small producers’ organizations, payment must be made directly to the certified small producers’ organization”. and “In the case of a small producers’ organization [e.g. for coffee], Fairtrade Minimum Prices are set at the level of the Producer Organization, not at the level of individual producers (members of the organization)” which means that the “producer” here is halfway up the marketing chain between the farmer and the consumer. The part of the standards referring to cultivation, environment, pesticides and child labour has the farmer as “producer”. The part referring to democratic organization has the primary cooperative as “producer”.

Fairtrade Standards contain minimum requirements that all producer organisations must meet to become certified as well as progress requirements in which producers must demonstrate improvements over time.

There are several types of Fairtrade Standards: Standards for small farmers’ organizations.”, standards for hired labour situations, standards for contract situations and standards for trade (importers), and there are also standards for the different products.

Fairtrade Standards for small farmers’ organizations include requirements for democratic decision making, ensuring that producers have a say in how the Fairtrade Premiums are invested etc. They also include requirements for capacity building and economic strengthening of the organization.

Fairtrade Standards for hired labour situations ensure that employees receive minimum wages and bargain collectively. Fairtrade-certified plantations must also ensure that there is no forced or child labour and that health and safety requirements are met. (These labor standards do not apply to, Fairtrade “small farmer cooperatives” though some have an average of 2.39 ha per farmer of just one crop, coffee, with some single farmers having more than 23 ha coffee, implying substantial use of hired labor.) In a hired labour situation, Fairtrade Standards require a “joint body” to be set up with representatives from both the management and the employees. This joint body decides on how Fairtrade Premiums will be spent to benefit plantation employees.

For some products, such as coffee, only Fairtrade Standards for small farmers’ organizations are applicable. For others, such as tea, both small farmers’ organizations and plantations can be certified.

Trade standards cover the payment of premiums, of minimum prices, where applicable meat tenderizer liquid, the provision of credit to buy the crop, and commercial relationships between the exporting cooperative or other organization and the importer.

Typically, in order for a product to be marked as “Fair-trade ” at least 20% of its mass must be made up of a Fairtrade product.

Fairtrade Standards and procedures are approved by the Fairtrade International Standards Committee, an external committee comprising all FLO stakeholders (labeling initiatives, producers and traders) and external experts. Fairtrade Standards are set by FLO in accordance to the requirements of the ISEAL Code of Good Practice in standard setting and are in addition the result of a consultation process, involving a variety of stakeholders: producers, traders, external experts, inspectors, certification staff etc.

There are however criticisms of the standards. There have been complaints that Fairtrade standards are inappropriate and may harm producers, sometimes imposing months of additional work for little return. There have also been complaints that standards set by a small committee of activists in the rich north have been imposed on poor farmers in the Third World. Fraser suggests that they are a rag bag of requirements imposed without thought of what is to be achieved or how.

The main aspects of the Fairtrade system are the Minimum Price and the Premium. These are paid to the exporting firm, usually a second tier cooperative, not to the farmer. They are not paid for everything produced by the cooperative members, but for that proportion of13their output they are able to sell with the brand ‘Fairtrade Certified’, typically 17% to as much as 60% of their turnover.

There are complaints that the standards relating to paying of price premiums, minimum prices, provision of credit, etc. by importers in rich countries are not enforced. In particular importers can demand to get a higher quality at the same official Fairtrade price, or withhold other services, threatening to buy from another Fairtrade supplier if the exporter did not agree to this kickback, or if the supplier complains that a kickback is demanded. De Janvry, McIntosh and Sadoulet have quantified this for a large group of Fairtrade coffee cooperatives in South America over a dozen years. They found that this kickback was 10c a pound over a period when the official price premium was 5c or 10c a pound, and this, plus the certification fee, meant that the cooperatives made a loss in years when a premium was payable, and were paid substantially less than the official minimum prices in years when a minimum price was payable. These should have been identified and rectified by the certification agency.

Fairtrade inspection and certification are carried out, for a fee, by FLO-CERT, an independent, for profit, body created by Fairtrade International in 2004. FLO-CERT certifies that both producers and traders have met with Fairtrade Standards and that producers have invested any surplus received through Fairtrade in social projects.

FLO-CERT works with a network of around 100 independent inspectors that regularly visit producer and trade organizations and report back to FLO-CERT. All certification decisions are then taken by a Certification Committee, composed of stakeholders from producers, traders, national labelling organisations and external experts. An Appeals Committee handles all appeals.

FLO-CERT inspections and certification follow the international ISO standards for product certification bodies (ISO 65).

There have been claims that adherence to fair trade standards by producers has been poor and that enforcement of standards by Fairtrade is very weak, notably by Christian Jacquiau. and by Paola Ghillani, who spent four years as president of Fairtrade Labelling Organizations. There is criticism of poor enforcement: labourers on Fairtrade farms in Peru are paid less than the minimum wage; some non-Fairtrade coffee is sold as Fairtrade; “the standards are not very strict in the case of seasonally hired labour in coffee production”; “some fair trade standards are not strictly enforced”; and supermarkets may avoid their responsibility. In 2006, a Financial Times journalist found that ten out of the ten mills they visited had sold uncertified coffee to co-operatives as certified. It reported that they were “also handed evidence of at least one coffee association that received Fairtrade certification despite illegally growing some 20 per cent of its coffee in protected national forest land.

Fairtrade farmers and marketing organizations incur a wide range of costs in achieving and maintaining certification. They incur these costs on all their production, but they can only recover costs on the small part of their production that they can sell as “Fairtrade certified”. In practice they can sell only small of their output as Fairtrade, because of lack of demand, and must sell the rest as uncertified at world prices. For example, there is not enough demand to take all the certified coffee produced, so most has to be sold as uncertified. In 2001 only 13.6% could be sold as certified so limits were placed on new cooperatives joining the scheme. This plus an increased demand put up sales of certified to around 50% in 2003 with a figure of 37% commonly cited in recent years. Some exporting cooperatives do not manage to sell any of their output as certified, and others sell as little as 8%. Weber reports cooperatives not able to cover the extra costs of a marketing team for Fairtrade, with one covering only 70% of these costs after six years of Fairtrade membership dance team uniforms.

Certified organizations such as cooperatives have to pay FLO-CERT a fee to become certified and a further annual fee for audit and continued certification Fairtrade inspection and certification are carried out, for a fee. The first year certification fee per unit sold as “Fairtrade certified” varies but has been over 6c/lb with an annual fee of 3c/lb to 3.4c/b for coffee up to 2006 in some countries, at a time when the “Fairtrade premium” was 5c to 10c/lb.

The cooperative or other certified organization has to spend money on conforming to the standards, with changed employment practices, the introduction and administration of the required democratic processes, changed processing, labelling and packing, changed material. They also incur extra costs in selling: . Weber reports cooperatives not able to cover the extra costs of a marketing team for Fairtrade, with one covering only 70% of these costs after six years of Fairtrade membership.

It is generally agreed that some organizations make a loss from their Fairtrade certification. but there are very few economic studies showing what happened to the money.

Fairtrade farmers also have to meet a large range of criteria on production: there are limits on using child labour, pesticides, herbicides, genetically modified products etc. These cost money, mean that the farmers have to do more work in the hot sun, and that they have to hire labour instead of using family labour. In times when world prices are so low that there is no “social premium” and the minimum price is paid, some farmers have negotiated that some of the money is paid to them, rather than being used for social projects.

Fairtrade labelled coffee, the first Fairtrade labelled product, was first launched in the Netherlands in 1988. The label, launched by Nico Roozen and Dutch missionary Frans van der Hoff, was then called Max Havelaar after a fictional Dutch character who opposed the exploitation of coffee pickers in Dutch colonies. Fairtrade labelling allowed Fairtrade Certified goods to be sold outside the World shops for the first time and into mainstream retailers, reaching a larger consumer segment and boosting sales significantly.

The concept caught on: in the ensuing years, similar non-profit Fairtrade labelling organizations were set up in other European countries and North America, called “Max Havelaar” (in Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway and France), “Transfair” (in Germany, Luxembourg, Austria, Italy, the United States, Canada and Japan), or carrying a national name: “Fairtrade Mark” in the UK and Ireland, “Rättvisemärkt” in Sweden, and “Reilu Kauppa” in Finland. Initially, the Max Havelaars and the Transfairs each had their own Fairtrade standards, product committees and monitoring systems. In 1994, a process of convergence among the labelling organizations – or “LIs” (for “Labelling Initiatives”) – started with the establishment of a TransMax working group, culminating in 1997 in the creation of Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International, now known simply as Fairtrade International (FLO). FLO is an umbrella organization whose mission is to set the Fairtrade Standards, support, inspect and certify disadvantaged producers and harmonize the Fairtrade message across the movement.

In 2002, FLO launched a new FAIRTRADE Certification Mark. The goals of the launch were to improve the visibility of the Mark on supermarket shelves, convey a dynamic, forward-looking image for Fairtrade, facilitate cross border trade and simplify procedures for importers and traders.

The FAIRTRADE Mark harmonization process is still under way – as of March 2011, all but two labelling initiatives[dubious ](TransFair USA and TransFair Canada) have fully adopted the new international Certification Mark. These two organizations currently use the Fair Trade Certified Mark, however Canadian organization began actively promoting the new international Certification Mark in 2010 as part of a total transition toward it. TransFair USA has apparently elected to continue with its own mark for the time being,.

At present, over 19 FLO Member Labelling Initiatives are using the International Fairtrade Certification Mark. There are now Fairtrade Certification Marks on dozens of different products, based on FLO’s certification for coffee, tea, rice, bananas, mangoes, cocoa, cotton, sugar, honey, fruit juices, nuts, fresh fruit, quinoa, herbs and spices, wine and footballs etc.

According to the economist Bruce Wydick with the median coffee drinker willing to pay a premium of 50 cents for a cup of fair-trade coffee even in the best-case scenario for fair trade, when world prices are at their lowest, the maximum amount a fair-trade grower from that same cup of coffee would receive is only one third of a cent Wydick lists his points against the alleged benefits of fair trade:

According to Colleen Haight from San Jose State University is in the fact that Fairtrade doesn’t buy the compete production of a producer, making him sell his better products on the free market and passing on his lower quality goods to the fairtrade channel.

Wild West

November 14th, 2017

Wild West è stato un reality show italiano pink glass water bottle, andato in onda su Rai 2 nel 2006.

Dodici persone comuni si sono dovute trasformare in novelli cow-boys e condurre una mandria di mucche attraverso il deserto dell’Arizona, cercando di perderne il minor numero possibile, sotto la guida e l’aiuto di Craig Carter, un mandriano locale professionista (nonché cantante folk). Classico il meccanismo delle nomination tra i concorrenti e quello dell’eliminazione tramite televoto da parte degli spettatori a casa.

Dopo 3 sole puntate, a causa dei bassi ascolti ottenuti, lo show serale settimanale condotto da Alba Parietti è stato sostituito da uno pomeridiano dalla durata più breve, in onda il lunedì, affidato alla conduzione di Milo Infante e Monica Leofreddi, all’interno del loro programma L’Italia sul 2 water bottle free, mentre è rimasta invariata la messa in onda della striscia quotidiana.

Il montepremi vinto dal primo classificato, Matteo D’Errico, è stato di 117.350 euro dance team uniforms, cifra ricavata dalla vendita all’asta del numero finale di mucche.

Inviato: Marco Mazzocchi eco stainless steel water bottle.

Ceferino Namuncurá

October 18th, 2016

El beato Ceferino Namuncurá (Chimpay, 26 de agosto de 1886-Roma, 11 de mayo de 1905) fue un joven salesiano argentino aspirante al sacerdocio, de orígenes mapuche y chileno. El apellido Namuncurá (mapudungun: ‘pie de piedra’, de namun, pie, y curá, piedra) significa ‘alguien firme, decidido’.

Fue uno de los siete hijos de Manuel Namuncurá, un célebre líder del pueblo mapuche que luchó en la batalla del 5 de mayo de 1883 contra las fuerzas del Ejército Argentino comandado por Julio Argentino Roca, y de la chilena Rosario Burgos. Ceferino era nieto del caudillo mapuche Calfucurá.

En 1887, al año de edad, Ceferino se salvó de perecer ahogado en el Río Negro, mientras jugaba en sus orillas. Ese mismo año, el 24 de diciembre, en vísperas de Navidad, fue bautizado por el misionero salesiano padre Domingo Milanesio, un importante cristianizador de los pueblos originarios. A los 11 años le pidió a este salesiano que lo llevara a estudiar para luego regresar y así poder enseñar a los de su pueblo.

Su padre, cacique de la nación mapuche, fue elevado al rango de coronel de la Nación y lo llevó a Buenos Aires, donde fue recibido por el general Luis María Campos, su amigo y entonces ministro de Guerra y Marina. Ceferino ingresó en los talleres que la Armada tenía en la localidad de Tigre (provincia de Buenos Aires) y permaneció allí por tres meses; posteriormente, sin embargo, le pidió a su padre que lo sacara porque no le gustaba ese ambiente ni esa profesión. El coronel Manuel Namuncurá recurrió a su amigo, el Dr. Luis Sáenz Peña, expresidente argentino, quien recomendó a Ceferino a los salesianos. El 20 de septiembre de 1897 Ceferino fue inscrito como alumno estudiante interno.

Paulatinamente, Ceferino se adaptó al ambiente, dedicándose al estudio, aprendió el idioma castellano y el catecismo. El 8 de septiembre de 1898 Ceferino recibió la primera comunión y, el 5 de noviembre de 1899, el sacramento de la confirmación de manos de monseñor Gregorio Romero en la Iglesia Parroquial de San Carlos, donde luego se construyera la actual Basílica María Auxiliadora y San Carlos.

A principios de 1902, su salud se deterioró; por los estudios que le realizaron, se determinó que había contraído tuberculosis. Monseñor Juan Cagliero decidió trasladarlo a Viedma, con la esperanza de que los aires nativos ayudaran a recuperar su salud. A comienzos de 1903, en el colegio San Francisco de Sales de Viedma, comenzó su estudio secundario como aspirante salesiano. El sacerdote médico Evasio Garrone, junto con el enfermero del hospital, el beato Artémides Zatti, cuidaron de Ceferino. El 19 de julio de 1904, con 17 años, Ceferino fue trasladado a Turín (Italia), por monseñor Cagliero. Los salesianos pensaron que en ese lugar recuperaría la salud y podría continuar sus estudios de sacerdocio.

Estudió en el colegio salesiano de “Villa Sora”, en Frascati, Roma. En Turín, el beato Miguel Rúa, el primer sucesor de San Juan Bosco, conversó varias veces por semana con Ceferino. El 27 de septiembre de 1904, Ceferino visitó al papa Pío X, luego san Pío X, junto con monseñor Cagliero, los sacerdotes José Vespignani y Evasio Garrone y otros salesianos. A Ceferino le encomendaron la tarea de pronunciar un breve discurso y obsequió al pontífice un quillango mapuche. A su vez, Pío X le obsequió la medalla destinada a los príncipes.

En marzo de 1905, la tuberculosis volvió a afectar su salud. Fue internado en el Hospital de los Hermanos de San Juan de Dios, donde fue atendido por el Dr. José Lapponi, médico personal de los papas León XIII y Pío X. El 11 de mayo de ese mismo año, a los 18 años de edad, Ceferino Namuncurá murió acompañado por monseñor Cagliero. Según la mayor parte de sus biógrafos sus últimas palabras fueron:

¡Bendito sea Dios y María Santísima!; basta que pueda salvar mi alma y en los demás que se haga la santa voluntad de Dios.

La oración, sin embargo, aparece recogida en su correspondencia y según algunos autores fue desplazada a ese momento para subrayar su manera piadosa de morir.

Fue enterrado al día siguiente de su fallecimiento en el cementerio popular de Roma, en Campoverano, con la presencia de pocos salesianos y compañeros de estudio bajo el amparo de una cruz de madera con su nombre. En 1924 los restos de Ceferino Namuncurá fueron repatriados por orden del presidente Marcelo T. de Alvear y llevados a la capilla reconstruida del antiguo Fortín Mercedes, situado frente a la vecina localidad de Pedro Luro.

En 1930 el sacerdote Luis J. Pedemonte comenzó a propagar las virtudes y la devoción al «indiecito santo» con lo cual recogió y publicó testimonios de gracias recibidas por aquellos que lo rezaban y lo conocieron. También publica las cartas de Ceferino, documentos que sirvieron para conocer el espíritu de este joven mapuche. El 2 de mayo de 1944, se inició la causa de beatificación y el 3 de marzo de 1957 el papa Pío XII aprobó la introducción de la causa de beatificación de Ceferino Namuncurá. Quince años más tarde, el 22 de junio de 1972, el papa Pablo VI lo declaró venerable, transformándose en el primer argentino que llegó a esa altura de santidad.

La devoción popular a Ceferino Namuncurá se fue difundiendo desde mediados del siglo XX por toda la Argentina. Es así que, a fines de los 1960s, ya era muy común encontrar «estampitas» dedicadas a san Ceferino en plena ciudad de Buenos Aires, de este modo, su foto se hizo tan popular que muchas papeletas de propaganda en las cuales ofrecían, y aún ofrecen, sus servicios los plomeros, albañiles y trabajadores de oficios afines tienen impresas el rostro del beato.

En 1992 sus restos fueron trasladados a una sala contigua del Santuario de María Auxiliadora de Fortín Mercedes dance team uniforms, por razones de mayor seguridad.

El 7 de julio de 2007, el papa Benedicto XVI firmó el decreto que declaraba a Ceferino Namuncurá como beato. El pontífice recibió al cardenal José Saraiva Martins goalkeeper sale, el por entonces prefecto de la Congregación para la Causa de los Santos, y autorizó a la Congregación a promulgar una serie de decretos, entre los cuales el que declara beato al «siervo de Dios Ceferino Namuncurá».

El 11 de noviembre de 2007, el enviado papal, el cardenal Tarcisio Bertone, proclamó beato a Ceferino Namuncurá, ante más de 100 000 personas en una ceremonia de beatificación en Chimpay, Río Negro, ciudad natal del joven salesiano. La fiesta religiosa se fijó para el 26 de agosto, fecha de su nacimiento.

Una junta médica del Vaticano consideró que la curación de Valeria Herrera, una joven madre de la Córdoba, Argentina, de 24 años en el año 2000 y afectada por cáncer de útero, fue un milagro por la intercesión de Ceferino Namuncurá. La mujer llegó a poder concebir con posterioridad. Este fue el antecedente que se tuvo en cuenta para su beatificación.

El día 4 de marzo del año 2008, algunos vecinos de la localidad de El Trébol (provincia de Santa Fe), aseguraron haber visto en un fresno una imagen de Ceferino Namuncurá. Por iniciativa municipal se cercó el lugar y se erigió un improvisado “altar” en homenaje al beato.

El 12 de agosto de 2009, sus familiares trasladaron sus cenizas a la Comunidad de San Ignacio, en el departamento Huiliches (provincia de Neuquén), a 60 km de Junín de los Andes, bajo el rito de la religión mapuche.

Su familia está relacionada con la familia ranquelche Epumer, la familia Namuncurá continúa siendo una referencia importante en la nación mapuche. Juan Namuncurá, músico y activista, es un difusor de la cultura mapuche.

Se han publicado muchas biografías, álbumes e historietas sobre la vida de Ceferino Namuncurá, y también se han hecho películas, como:

John David Hoppe

October 15th, 2016

John David “Dave” Hoppe (born August 25, 1951) is a Capitol Hill politician and lobbyist currently serving as Chief of Staff for U.S. Speaker of the House Paul Ryan.

John David Hoppe earned a B.A. in Government from the University of Notre Dame and a M.A. in International Relations from the School of Advanced International Studies at The Johns Hopkins University.

John David Hoppe was involved in crafting several of Ronald Reagan’s tax cuts, including the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which was the biggest tax cut of the 1968–2006 period, the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1981, and the Tax Reform Act of 1986, which is noted for reducing the top individual tax rate to 28% and lowered corporation income taxes to 34%, and is cited for having increased income inequality between 1984–1989, where the top one percent of income earners received 8.4% of national income, while in 1989, it increased to 13.5%.

From June 2003–October 2011, John David Hoppe worked for the lobbying powerhouse group, Quinn Gillespie & Associates, having ended serving as President.

From October 2011–January 2013, John David Hoppe served as the Chief of Staff to the Senate Republican Whip custom glass bottles, Jon Kyl.

Since April 2013, John David Hoppe has served as the Senior Advisor to Bipartisan Policy Center.

Registered on April 25, 2013, and operating since July 2013, John David Hoppe has owned his own firm, Hoppe Strategies, based out of Virginia, in which he serves as President. His firm has lobbied on behalf of Ford Motor Company since it began in 2013, and has lobbied on behalf of Delta Air Lines and MarkLogic Corporation since 2015

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United States Away JOHNSON 23 Jerseys




John David Hoppe has a history of government lobbying, which has called into question whether the choice of a lobbyist as Paul Ryan’s Chief of Staff is another move toward the K Street Project, and has resulted in a petition against hiring corporate lobbyists into office.

John David Hoppe represented Sheldon Adelson, a billionaire casino business magnate dance team uniforms, on behalf of the Coalition to Stop Internet Gambling. The coalition was launched by Sheldon Adelson after his own company failed in its online gambling endeavor, causing Adelson to claim that his “moral standard compels” him to take a stand against internet gambling.

River Volley 2012-2013

October 15th, 2016

Voce principale: River Volley.

Questa voce raccoglie le informazioni riguardanti il River Volley nelle competizioni ufficiali della stagione 2012-2013.

La stagione 2012-13 è per il River Volley la quinta, la quarta consecutiva, in Serie A1, sponsorizzata sia dal gruppo Rebecchi che da quello Nordmeccanica: nella fase di mercato viene ingaggiato un nuovo allenatore, Davide Mazzanti, sostituito poi durante il corso della stagione da Giovanni Caprara, ed acquistate nuove giocatrici come le due palleggiatrici Francesca Ferretti e Danica Radenković, le schiacciatrici Lucia Bosetti, Floortje Meijners e Manuela Secolo dance team uniforms, il libero Stefania Sansonna e diverse giovani come Laura Frigo ed Alessia Gennari; durante il campionato inoltre, arriva, dal Chieri Torino Volley Club, anche Martina Guiggi.

Nel girone d’andata del campionato, dopo una partenza alquanto altalenante, una buona serie di successi spinge la squadra nelle zone alte della classifica tenderise steak recipe, tant’è che al termine della prima fase il River Volley è al secondo posto in classifica, risultato utile per qualificarsi alla Coppa Italia. Anche il girone di ritorno scorre via tranquillo, con solo due sconfitte: il club mantiene quindi il secondo posto in classifica alla fine della regular season, alle spalle della Futura Volley Busto Arsizio. Nei quarti di finale dei play-off scudetto la sfida è contro il Robursport Volley Pesaro, superato in due gare, con qualche difficoltà incontrata solamente in gara 1: il copione si ripete anche nelle semifinali, dove la squadra ad essere sconfitta è il Volley Bergamo; la formazione piacentina incontra poi in finale la sorpresa Imoco Volley di Conegliano: le prime due gare sono vinte al tie-break dalle emiliane, mentre gara 3 è persa con lo stesso risultato. La gara che assegna il primo scudetto della sua storia al River Volley è quella 4, con una vittoria per 3-1: tale successo consente anche la qualificazione, per la prima volta, alla Champions League 2013-14.

Il secondo posto in classifica al termine del girone d’andata permette al River Volley di partecipare alla Coppa Italia: nei quarti di finale supera sia all’andata che al ritorno la squadra di Torino e ciò consente l’accesso alla final-four di Assago; in semifinale la vittoria è contro il Volley Bergamo, mentre in finale viene sconfitto il Gruppo Sportivo Oratorio Villa Cortese: per il club di Piacenza è la prima affermazione nella competizione.

Il raggiungimento delle semifinali nella stagione 2011-12 consente alla squadra piacentina di accedere per la prima volta ad una competizione europea, ossia la Coppa CEV 2012-13: nei sedicesimi di finale la sfida è contro il Volejbol’nyj Universitet Luck, che a sorpresa vince la gara di andata e dopo aver perso quella di ritorno, fa suo il golden set, eliminando dalla competizione il River Volley. Tuttavia, da regolamento, la società italiana accede alla Challange Cup ed il cammino è spedito fino alla finale, superando nell’ordine due formazioni cipriote, l’ES Le Cannet ed il Turnverein Fischbek von 1921; in finale la sfida è contro lo Ženskij Volejbol’nyj Klub Dinamo Krasnodar, il quale vince la gara di andata, ma perde quella di ritorno: è nuovamente il golden set a negare la gioia della vittoria alla formazione emiliana.

Area direttiva

Area organizzativa

Area tecnica

Area comunicazione

Area marketing

Area sanitaria

G = partite giocate; V = partite vinte; P = partite perse

P = presenze; PT = punti totali; AV = attacchi vincenti; MV = muri vincenti; BV = battute vincenti

Altri progetti

Kid Parc

October 14th, 2016

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Géolocalisation sur la carte : Aquitaine

Géolocalisation sur la carte : France

Kid Parc est un parc d’attractions français pour les enfants de 0 à 12 ans, créé par J.L.G Promotion et Reverchon Industries en 2000.

Ouvert officiellement le , ce parc d’attractions familial avait pour ambition de permettre aux enfants de s’amuser et de profiter d’attractions ainsi que de manèges à leur portée, et dans un laps de temps court, à savoir 3 à 4h.

Le concept est par conséquent de redonner aux plus jeunes des attractions à leur mesure, en toute sécurité, et accessibles dans un temps limité. Kid Parc réunit donc des jeux, des attractions, des manèges ou encore des jeux aquatiques et a attiré en 2011 un peu plus de 85 000 visiteurs.

Situé sur le Bassin d’Arcachon waterproof bag camera, à Gujan-Mestras, à 45 min de Bordeaux, Kid Parc fait par ailleurs partie de Gujan-Mestras Bassin des Loisirs, qui regroupe toutes les structures consacrées aux loisirs sur le Bassin d’Arcachon.

Le pirate, Capitaine Sam, est devenu la mascotte officielle de Kid Parc en 2010. Il est dessiné par Nicolas Tabary dance team uniforms, le fils du dessinateur d’Iznogoud, Jean Tabary, ce qui confère un aspect familier à son personnage. Nicolas Tabary a par ailleurs effectué une grande partie des illustrations pour Kid Parc.

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